The most costly regulations are the ever-mounting environmental red
tape and Australia’s unique union-dominated controls over employment
conditions. The deleterious effects of these have been somewhat offset
by deregulatory progress in import tariffs, for example, and in opening
up areas such as ports, travel and telecommunications to greater
competition. Privatisation has also helped in this regard.
Unfortunately
we have gone backwards in energy supply policy with the carbon tax and
forced substitution of cheap coal-generated electricity for expensive
renewables. These government measures have resulted in Australian
electricity prices being transformed from among the world’s lowest into
one of the highest.
This has contributed to placing intense competitive pressure on
industry and commerce over the past few years; households have as a
result incurred higher prices for the goods and services they buy, as
well as taking a direct hit from skyrocketing electricity bills.
While
the Palmer United policy remains unclear it seems that the carbon tax
is likely to be removed with the new Senate. The future of the other
strings to these regulatory bows is less certain. Chief among these is
the Renewable Energy Target (RET) under review by a panel chaired by
leading businessman Dick Warburton.
The RET forces all electricity
consumers to incorporate a proportion of wind and solar energy into
their electricity supply. This renewable energy is three times as costly
as the energy it displaces and will soon comprise 20 per cent or more
of total supply. At that stage it will add 30-50 per cent to total
wholesale electricity costs. The RET alone will mean household
electricity bills go up by 7 per cent and those of industrial users by
10 per cent. Other state-based measures add to this cost.
The RET
review has attracted some 24,000 submissions, mostly from green zealots
regurgitating slogans offered up by their leaders. This group is unaware
or uncaring that the renewable energy scheme means a considerable
increase in electricity costs for industry and households.
Some
claim the subsidies help consumers since they drive down electricity
prices. But any such price reduction is similar to that which would
follow from government supplying cheap bread. The price might fall but
not enough to pay for the costs involved and the price falls would
result in commercial suppliers ceasing to operate, creating future
shortages.
Also supporting green subsidies are a number of
publicly-financed bodies. Many of these, such as the cities of Melbourne
and Sydney, have no expertise on the matter but their councils’
irresponsible approach to spending involves employing green personnel
for vanity purposes. Others like Climateworks and the Grattan
Institute were given taxpayer funding by Labor-Greens government to
promote renewable energy. A second group of submissions is
businesses and their representatives who have made investments in
subsidised renewables and are keen to protect those investments and even
to create additional subsidies. The third is specific business
interests, largely in aluminium, which recognise the deadly costs of the
RET scheme and seek to quarantine themselves from its effects.
The
IPA mining representatives and the Australian Chamber of Commerce and
Industry form a fourth group, which notes that the renewable scheme is a
horrendous waste of resources, needlessly drives up electricity costs,
and finances lobbying activity that pollutes the political process.
These bodies argue that the scheme should be axed immediately and all
subsidy payments terminated.
Twenty years ago, the two green
technologies favoured by subsidies — wind and solar — were touted as
being on the verge of becoming competitive with coal, gas and oil.
Almost no serious analyst nowadays believes this. That bold but
discredited technological optimism was joined with a rationale that
subsidies to green energy would reduce carbon emissions. As a policy,
renewable energy as a means of reducing emissions fails two key tests.
It founders on the shoals of adamant refusals by other countries to
embark on serious carbon emission reductions and on clear evidence that
renewable policies only reduce emissions at a very high cost.
To
date, Australia has wasted $20 billion in worthless renewable energy
investments, mainly on windfarms but also on solar, including the
rooftop panels. Just to put that in perspective, $20 billion would build
100,000 new houses. According to modelling undertaken by Acil Tasman
for the RET review, unless the program is stopped immediately a further
cost of $13 billion will be incurred. Of course, if we also provide
subsidies to new renewable facilities, many more billions will be
wasted.
Beneficiaries of the subsidies argue that unless they are
maintained, Australia will suffer adversely by being regarded as a
nation imposing “sovereign risk” on investors. This, so it is said, will
discourage future investments. Sovereign risk is where governments
seize property without proper compensation. But changing a tax or
subsidy can hardly be considered an imposition of sovereign risk. Such
changes happen all the time and invariably mean losses to somebody.
Moreover we have seen policy changes in recent years that have very severe repercussions on investments.
Take
the automotive industry, where reductions in industry protection,
changes to industrial relations laws and the energy price hikes have
caused investment write-offs amounting to billions of dollars. Or the
“alcopops” industry, severely impaired by a sudden and unexpected 70 per
cent tax increase. Or cigarette manufacturing, hounded from Australia
by tax hikes and restraints to marketing.
We also saw the former
Commonwealth government, in response to claims by the ABC about animal
cruelty, dramatically close the live beef trade to Indonesia. Many
graziers had to shoot their stock and average prices fell by a third.
The
victims of these government activities got no compensation.
Importantly, nor did the measures bring a rise in investment risk. While
the less government meddling there is in the economy the better, the
fact is taxes, subsidies and tax rates do change. No government can
reasonably expect to bind its successors to paying a worthless subsidy
for 15 years as is nominally the case with the RET. And no investor
would sensibly expect this.
The renewable energy scam, alongside
the carbon tax, was one of the many targets of the late Ray Evans, whose
funeral is today. He was a co-founder of the Lavoisier Group
established to combat misinformation about climate change. The current
Shadow Resources Minister, Gary Gray, was a former member. Ray did not
live to see the costly green edifices of economic self-harm dismantled.
But the new Senate, in spite of resistance from the Greens and Labor’s
leadership, will begin the necessary economic repairs next week.
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